The Many Faces of the Second ‘Russian’ Generation in Germany

On TikTok and Instagram the prominent ‘Eastern Bloc girl’ Elli describes herself as ‘bashkir & russlanddeutsch’. Her channel is devoted to ‘fashion, beauty & migra stuff’. In one video she suggests that men buying flowers for their girlfriends supports gender equality: Women earn less and are disadvantaged in other ways, so why shouldn’t they get flowers from time to time? And anyway, there’s no such thing as 50/50, she argues: True equality would mean that ‘men would breastfeed and pause their careers to look after children’. Elli reflects values taught in Germany’s liberal democratic system, an aspiration for equality, while echoing Russian discourses on traditional gender roles.

The Russian state spreads traditionalist messages among its diaspora, positioning itself as the ‘last line of defence for traditional values’ against perceived Western decay. With its emphasis on cultural and national homogeneity, it warns of the threats posed by migration and multiculturalism in Germany. Since February 2022 tensions over social values have become ever more visible between Russia and Germany, mirroring developments in politics and views on history. As part of an ERC-funded project, we explored these tensions in interviews with 20 second-generation migrants aged 18 to 35. These young people all grew up in Germany and emphasised a sense of connection to Russia. Yet their positions on social and political questions rarely fit into one box and are often highly contradictory.

Shared German identity, shared political conflicts

Only a small share of the interviewees articulates a strong sense of belonging to Germany. Both conservative and progressive political and social views are represented within this group, reflecting the polarisation of German society as a whole. There are individuals with a multiculturalist understanding of society who advocate for gender equality and minority rights. Kristina (18), for example, accepts every minority practice she encounters, while her views on social questions reflect the values transmitted in the German educational system.[1] Then there are individuals with conservative political and social ideas who criticise the fact that minorities – notably Muslims – can observe their traditions unhindered in Germany. Some, like Anton (31), have a siege mentality: He insists that Germany is ‘a country with Christian-democratic roots’ that is being invaded by outsiders. These individuals favour strongly assimilationist policies and are concerned about Muslims imposing their way of life on them. Speaking to her Jewish roots, Bella (34) is frustrated that ‘our own traditions now have to be protected’.

Russian identity and alienation from German mainstream

The interviewees who express a strong sense of belonging to Russia are also a relatively small group in our sample. They share a conservative political and social outlook. Mila, a 32-year-old who describes her background as ‘Spätaussiedler’[2] from Kazakhstan, is heavily oriented towards Russian state values, despite being proud of her successful integration. She underlines that ‘I've never forgotten the connection to my home country and I'm actually proud of [...] having a foreign background.’ She is highly critical of Western gender debates and perceives German society as increasingly unsafe for women – in contrast to the safety she projects onto Kazakhstan. Victor, aged 36, slips into nationalist and fascist vocabulary during our interview. He is deeply embroiled in alternative media and dismisses ‘mainstream’ German media as a biased ‘Lügenpresse’.[3] He furthermore maintains that the ‘whole gender gaga’ was an agenda pushed by the mainstream media and alleges that Germany is engaged in a ‘fight against the family’.

Such a strong Russian identity is not unique to people with a migration background from today’s Russian Federation; it can also be found among individuals from other Eastern European countries as well as Central Asia and the South Caucasus. What unites this group is a profound social conservatism and distrust in Western democratic institutions, including the mainstream media. Here, they are aligned with Russian society at large, where conservative social values, for instance regarding homosexuality, have been on the rise in the past decade.

Below and beyond the national

Individuals who articulate a balance between their Russian heritage and their German socialisation form the largest group. Frequently, they identify as both Russian and German, while distancing themselves from certain cultural elements on either side. Many describe their sense of belonging as 'split' or 'mixed'. Others, such as Anna (23) with Chechen roots, underline the importance of a regional identity and religion. Anna holds seemingly incompatible views: She is very conservative regarding gender roles but strongly supports individual freedoms and the emancipation of women. This is typical for individuals with hybrid identities, who may live at the interface between progressive and traditional values transmitted via the family and school or mediated in other ways.

Meanwhile, a group of highly educated individuals thinks about themselves beyond national frameworks. With a family dispersed across the globe, Nina (19), for instance, consciously navigates tensions between German, Ukrainian and Russian state-approved narratives to articulate her own position. She is conscious of cultural and religious tensions within her family and at the same time prides herself in the many perspectives she has been exposed to because of that. While she is able to draw on the knowledge she acquired at school when engaging with these conflicts, she also articulates a desire to find a ‘middle ground’ between the different perspectives, for example on questions of gender roles and minority rights.

A multifaceted transnational world

The second generation of any migrant community has many faces. In their social and political values,  the second-generation migrants we interviewed reflect this diversity. While some interviewees express a longing for an idealised homeland, others have a clear sense of belonging and commitment to Germany. We found an emphasis on particularistic identities, but also a post-national outlook that goes beyond traditional national affiliations. These people are a window onto our interconnected world, where people and ideas travel across borders. They navigate their belonging amid competing norms and expectations in Germany’s increasingly diverse society. In this setting schools are tasked with cultivating an understanding of Germany’s political history that illuminates the transnational entanglements of national history. An emphasis on such entanglements may help integrate the experiences and memories of migrant families so that they feel heard and understood with their particular background in Germany.

[1] The names of the respondents are pseudonyms.

[2] (Late) repatriates are people of German descent who moved to Germany, particularly from the Soviet Union or post-Soviet countries such as Poland and Romania. They usually lived in these countries for generations, but are originally descended from German immigrants. In a broader sense, the term (late) repatriates also includes family members. In 2020, around 2.5 million (late) repatriates were living in Germany.

[3] The term Lügenpresse is frequently used in German media propagating conspiracy theories.

Sophia Winkler is a researcher at ZOiS and is undertaking doctoral research on social media and young Russians’ identity abroad. Her project is part of the ERC-funded project 'Moving Russia(ns): Intergenerational Transmission of Memories Abroad and at Home (MoveMeRU)'.

Dr. Félix Krawatzek is a researcher at ZOiS and head of the research cluster ‘Youth and Generational Change’ and the ERC-funded project ‘Moving Russia(ns): Intergenerational Transmission of Memories Abroad and at Home (MoveMeRU)’.